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    UK on deregulatory path, eyeing the precautionary principle…

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    The UK’s new Prime Minster Johnson declared in his first speech that it is time “to liberate the UK’s bioscience sector from anti genetic modification rules”. EU policy on genetically modified organisms (GMO) is guided by the precautionary principle. At the moment, only one GMO has been granted an EU authorisation for cultivation (MON 810 corn from Monsanto, now Bayer). Nineteen countries, including France, Germany, Italy and Poland, have banned GMO cultivation altogether. Whilst the US, followed by Brazil, is the world’s largest GMO cultivator with over 100 million hectares (around 20% of its farmland).

    Prime Minister Johnson’s international trade secretary, Liz Truss, is portrayed as an ultra-free market ideologue and has in the past spoken in favour of economic liberalisation and deregulation. Last year she also allegedly met US groups to discuss deregulation and the benefits of Reaganomics.

    … but US help is uncertain

    Immediately after the change of power in the UK, some US government representatives declared a readiness to agree a trade deal as soon as possible. They also “enthusiastically” supported a no-deal Brexit which they consider to be a window of opportunity to strike a “very substantial trade agreement”. But Nancy Pelosi, speaker of the House of Representatives, ruled out the House’s support for any trade agreement with the UK which jeopardises the Good Friday Peace Agreement

    Boris Johnson’s first speech as Prime Minister (24 July 2019)
    European Parliament on GMOs cultivation ban in the EU
    The Guardian on Liz Truss
    Politico on US backing no-deal Brexit
    The Irish Times on Nancy Pelosi
    Brexit Watch previous related articles (see under section Trade)

    Level playing field under UK attack, while EU holds firm

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    The Northern Ireland backstop has become the main target of UK’s new Prime Minister Johnson. EU leaders however have so far held firm. The backstop set out in the draft Withdrawal Agreement is considered by the EU to be unnegotiable in order to avoid a hard border in Ireland, in line with the Good Friday Agreement. In addition, the backstop ensures a level playing field based on EU standards, particularly important for EU labour market and environmental protection rules. The former UK government accepted this approach and even went as far as to promise that new EU labour rules would be written into UK law. David Frost, former CEO of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, now Johnson’s chief Brexit negotiator, is conversely in favour for labour market deregulation and had opposed such an approach.

    The Independent on David Frost

    New legal action over post-Brexit wildlife risks

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    (21 June 2019) Client Earth announced a High Court challenge to the UK’s government Brexit legislation, more specifically over parts of a statutory instrument changing the habitat and species conservation regulation. This would give new powers to Ministers, allowing them to “alter and reduce standards for protected sites”. Stakeholders argue this change would represent a breach of the “green Brexit” promised by the UK government.

    Dr Tom West from Client Earth fears government will continue using its power in this manner, thus requiring improved scrutiny from all fronts.

    Client Earth article

    UK government reinstates ban on hormone disrupting pesticides after NGO threat

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    (20 June 2019) The UK government published a revised statutory instrument on the Pesticides Regulation which fixes the “drafting error” previously reported by the University of Sussex (Brexit Watch n°22). Three paragraphs establishing the ban on endocrine disrupting chemicals in the EU’s regulation from 2009, had been deleted from the text of the UK instrument. The relevant provisions will be reinstated by the new amendment.

    Last week CHEM Trust threatened with legal action unless weakened protections were amended. Michael Warhurst from CHEM Trust finds it “hard to believe” in a drafting error, given the strong lobbying of the US against banning hormone disrupting chemicals.

    Revised Statutory Instrument on the Pesticides Regulation
    CHEM Trust article
    Brexit Watch n°22

    US continues push for UK trade deal

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    President Trump’s visit to the UK came amidst comments made by the US Ambassador to the UK, Woody Johnson. According to Johnson, “the entire economy (…) all things that are traded would be on the table” in future UK-US trade negotiation talks.

    He suggested amongst other areas that a future trade deal would have to cover agricultural products, including chlorinated chicken. According to Johnson, British consumers should have the last say, by choosing to buy or not buy US products once they are put on the UK market. This is no new approach, as the US follows the same process in regard to the transatlantic trade deal with the EU. The US Ambassador to the EU, Gordon Sandland, mentioned during the European Business Summit last May that any trade deal with the EU would have to include provisions on agriculture. Public consultations held by the US government have already demonstrated this further, as US companies asked for the “mutual recognition of equivalence in safety measures” (Brexit Watch n°10).  

    Another point of controversy relates to the UK’s National Health Service (NHS). Ambassador Johnson stated this should also be on the negotiation table. This confirms the fears expressed some time ago by Shadow Health and Social Care Secretary, Jonathan Ashworth, who claimed that private healthcare corporations in the US could “get their hands on NHS contracts”. Amidst growing concerns, the incumbent Health Secretary, Matt Hancock, nevertheless made clear that the NHS would not be for sale in any future trade deal talks. 

    The Guardian article on US-UK trade deal demands
    Brexit Watch n°10
    Jonathan Ashworth’s interview on NHS

    UK drops ban on toxic pesticides – an error or fast-tracked regulatory divergence?

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    As time passes, more deficiencies are identified amongst the flood of statutory instruments, which were put forward by the UK government under the Withdrawal Act, which aims at copying across the EU’s acquis.

    Easier said than done: the UK’s new legislation on pesticides would significantly change governance and objectives, going beyond a technical adaptation to the UK context, according to a study conducted at the UK Trade Policy Observatory, University of Sussex. It would give “more control to UK Ministers and less to independent scientific advisors”, which weakens the enforcement mechanisms and allow Ministers to consider the evidence at their own discretion.

    Further to that, it appears that the EU’s legally binding restriction on active substances that have endocrine disrupting properties is missing from the UK’s copy across statutory instrument. Dr Lydgate, from the University of Sussex, postulated whether the changes in UK’s pesticides rules would make it easier for the UK to pivot to an US type of regulation.

    CHEM Trust argues that this represents the “first concrete evidence of Brexit being used as a cover for deregulation”. CHEM Trust have sent a Pre-Action Protocol letter threatening legal action to Secretary of State Michael Gove unless weakened protections are amended. The letter also formally calls for a revision of the UK’s statutory instrument on REACH, which removes vital stakeholder engagement mechanisms, amongst other deficiencies. Responding in the HuffPost, the Ministry, Defra, said it was a “drafting error” which they are now addressing.

    HuffPost article (June 2019)
    Laboratory news article (May 2019)

    How to sharpen the teeth of the future environmental watchdog

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    The subject of the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP) dominates more than half of EFRA’s report, including detailed assessment and recommendations on the functions of the watchdog (appointments, funding, complaints processes, fines, territorial extent etc.). EFRA concedes that the UK cannot replicate EU’s governance framework, but emphasizes that the Government should take this opportunity to deliver the “world leading watchdog” promised by the Secretary of State.

    The independence of the OEP appears again as a key matter of the future body. EFRA argues it must not be seen as “just another arm’s length public body attached to Defra”, especially since the OEP must hold the Government accountable for breaches of environmental protection. The status of a “non-departmental public body” is not considered sufficient, instead EFRA asks for a constitutionally innovative model (despite a lack of a precedent). This status is also not financially adequate, as it does not ensure budgetary independence. EFRA advises the Government to provide additional financial protections, through a multi-annual budgetary framework negotiated directly with the Treasury and then voted on by Parliament. The appointment procedure is also crucial for ensuring the OEP’s independence, thus EFRA finds it inappropriate for solely the Secretary of State to select a Chair and other non-executive members of the board.

    On procedural aspects, EFRA finds it important for the OEP to be able to launch investigations into environmental law breaches even in the absence of a complaint. Fines are not seen as an adequate mechanism for enforcement, instead proposals are given to provide greater personal accountability. The distinction between the OEP’s two functions (advisory and scrutiny) must also be clarified, putting a focus on its duty to hold the Government accountable. The watchdog must not be overwhelmed with advisory matters, and this function should be kept at a high-level to avoid adopting functions currently undertaken by other UK specialist statutory bodies (e.g. the Environment Agency).

    Pre-legislative scrutiny of the Draft Environment (Principles and Governance) Bill (April 2019), Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee (EFRA) House of Commons

    Parliamentary committee calls for changes to the Environment Bill

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    The Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee (EFRA) of the House of Commons released last month a pre-legislative scrutiny of the Draft Environment (Principle and Governance) Bill. The main message of the report is that the environmental framework put forward by the Government does not match current EU environmental protections. The report also describes a range of issues that emerged during EFRA’s assessment and inquiries throughout January – March 2019.

    In introducing the report, the Committee regrets not being able to assess the full Bill, as the final contents are yet to be published in the next parliamentary session. This has limited the scope of the inquiry and hindered a holistic assessment of the Bill. EFRA is therefore calling on the Government to allow enough reviewing time when they introduce the remaining clauses in Parliament.

    Transposing environmental principles into the UK system continues to raise problems, chiefly the lack of an overarching principle, i.e. the EU’s objective of “a high level of protection for the environment”. The legal status of the principles (policy statements) is also questionable as it marks a regression from EU environmental principles which are legal provisions. Policy statements are weaker and can be easily revised. Moreover, these environmental principles place a weak duty on Ministers (with an obligation only “to have regard to”).

    EFRA calls on the Government to consider rewriting some of the definitions provided by the Bill, notably on the “environment” which should be more holistic. Given the departure from the EU’s legal acquis, the report recommends including a reference to international law within the definition of “environmental law”.

    Finally, the report stresses the importance of setting up a co-operation framework between the UK Government and the devolved administrations. This should entail common standards and principles, or even a specific mechanism of cooperation and data sharing in the event that separate environmental bodies are created at devolved level.

    The Environment has fallen off the internal Brexit negotiation agenda

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    UK Government and Labour representatives are still discussing the UK’s post-Brexit relationship with the EU, focusing now on the idea of a customs union agreement, but talks are apparently stalling. As reported by media and the environmental community, there is no sufficient progress on environmental issues, contrary to agreements supposedly reached on “dynamic alignment” for workers’ rights.

    Buzzfeed article

    NGOs analyse the EU-UK trade battle field

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    Environmental law group Client Earth has set out its demands for an overhaul of the UK International State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism for a future EU-UK trade deal. The current mechanism applied (in all EU trade agreements concluded post-2000) is described as the “most illegitimate dispute settlement mechanism in international law” (Professor Alessandra Arcuri), and is often used as a threat against regulation. Professor Arcuri and Friends of the Earth campaigner, Lora Verheecke, suggested that any form of EU-UK ISDS should take into account the need to provide better guarantees to communities’ rights, as well as a series of obligations and legal responsibilities for investors.

    Recording of “Brexit and the environment: What’s next” event
    Client Earth report on ISDS

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